The nature of the various armed groups, the alliances, the dynamics, and the political motives are not stable or permanent. One important note to underscore: these graphic depictions and descriptions can be considered at most a snapshot in time of the situation as it looks to the best of our knowledge as of late July 2017. Here we seek to briefly describe these different groups and leaders and provide an overview of their interests and motivations. Subsequent reports by the Enough Project and The Sentry will analyze some of these dynamics in greater detail and provide analytical tools to better understand the deep motives of the key actors involved in this armed conflict. Civilians pay the heaviest price in this protracted crisis. Criminal groups have taken advantage of this security vacuum and flourish. staff and armed groups like Union pour la Paix en Centrafrique (UPC) that refuse to join their alliance. “The Coalition,” as it is called, has expanded its areas of control and attacked humanitarian workers, U.N. Since September 2016, a coalition of various armed groups-which included ex-Séléka factions and one anti-Balaka group (led by Maxime Mokom)-has stoked sectarian violence and intercommunal tensions. The leaders of certain armed groups have forged varying and evolving military alliances with one another for opportunistic reasons: to increase the threat they pose to the central government and strengthen their negotiation power. To learn more about each group and see a graphic legend, read the full report. Scroll over each group to see the full group names. As a result, new groups continue to emerge while others splinter into many smaller factions, further complicating peace talks. In the past few months, representatives of armed groups have been invited-with all expenses paid-to the presidential palace in Bangui, to Luanda, Angola, to N’Djamena, Chad, and more recently to Rome, Italy, for peace talks. These negotiations have not yet resulted in a cessation of hostilities agreement, much less a ceasefire or a viable political process with the government of President Faustin Archange Touadéra and the myriad politico-military groups. Driven by the power of guns, this predatory system perpetuates violence against civilians and strengthens the positions of leaders and their networks in the conflict. This economic system is characterized by widespread looting, the trafficking of natural resources and arms, illicit taxation and extortion, a costly system of protection for people and companies, and numerous kidnappings for ransom. By controlling large parts of the country, the leaders of these armed groups have undermined the principle of territorial sovereignty and imposed a system that benefits the leaders and the sponsors at the population’s expense. Since 2014, these groups have flourished, imposing a de facto partition and engaging in economic predation as part of their central strategy. Though their origins and outward motivations may differ, these armed actors have one thing in common: they are all responsible for widespread atrocities committed against civilians, and they are all engaged in fratricidal struggles for control of the country’s resources.Ĭentral African armed factions and politico-military groups began to proliferate in CAR in 2005, mostly in opposition to the regime of François Bozizé. The country is essentially held hostage by armed actors with various profiles and motives. Today the Central African Republic (CAR) is home to more than 14 armed factions, a multitude of local militia groups, groups of regional mercenaries, and a national army that is in disarray. Read the full report and view the graphics here.
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